Edward Francis Wilson and Religious Syncretism in Nineteenth Century Upper Canada

The efforts of Protestant missionaries had a significant impact on the history of nineteenth-century Upper Canada. As numerous Christian denominations competed for influence among Aboriginal populations, they encountered people with vastly different cultures, customs, languages and spiritual beliefs from their own. Prior to the massive increase of European settlers in the early-to-mid nineteenth century, the Anishinaabe communities of this area adhered to their traditional belief system anchored in diverse economic practices that included sugaring, fishing, farming and hunting.[1] As English settlement expanded westward, missionaries erected many schools, churches and other institutions throughout modern-day Southwestern Ontario in an attempt to spread their own faith and methods of learning to these communities. Through these efforts, an extensive collection of literature was produced, including, bibles, hymn books, translation dictionaries and missionary instructional manuals. One such text, Sherman Hall’s Iu otoshki-Kikindiuin au kitogimaminan gaie bemajiinvng Jesus Krist: ima Ojibue ineuining giizhitong: the New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, located in Huron University College’s rare books collection, is an excellent example of how these forms of literature were used to disseminate religious teachings in Upper Canada.

The overall success and impact of European missionaries among North American Indigenous peoples is a topic that has long been debated by historians. Nonetheless, during this period, many Indigenous people converted to Christianity. This paper will display the importance that “religious syncretism” played in these religious conversions. Focusing primarily on the Anishinaabe, or Ojibwa, people of Upper Canada, this paper will demonstrate how new-found faiths often blended well with traditional beliefs, and that the adoption of Christianity did not necessarily mean the abandonment of past practices. In making this argument, I will first examine the major changes that took place in the early years of nineteenth century Upper Canada, then look into missionary work and education in relationship to the dispossession of native land, and will conclude by examining some of the existing historiography on these subjects.


The early decades of the nineteenth century witnessed an increase in the efforts of Protestant missionary work in Upper Canada.[2] By the 1830s, governments became involved in these efforts as Anglican, Methodist and other Christian denominations competed for influence among the Anishinaabe, Haudenosaunee and Leni-Lenape people who inhabited the land.[3]Edward Francis Wilson, a minister in the Church of England, displayed this competition in his book Missionary Work Among the Ojebway Indians (a copy of this book is also located in Huron’s rare books collection). In his text, he described the Methodist Church’s attempt to obstruct the building of an Anglican church on the Sarnia Reserve.[4] This competition between different denominations suggests different ways in which new European knowledge was spread throughout Ojibwa communities.[5]

The increase in missionary activity was a symptom of a corresponding increase in European settlers in Upper Canada. Between 1830 and 1861 the settler population of Middlesex Country increased from 11,882 to 48,736 – more than a fourfold increase.[6] This influx of white settlers occupied lands that were used regularly by local Ojibwa communities for their fishing, farming, hunting and sugaring.[7] This settler expansion led to a drastic change in the land that had been inhabited by the Anishinaabe for generations. The massive increase in population led to an equally significant clearing of the land. In 1842, Middlesex County had just over 40,000 acres of cleared land; by 1860 this increased to over 233,000.[8] This cleared acreage had a devastating effect on the wildlife that the Ojibwa people relied on heavily for survival.[9]

Lisa Brooks investigates this type of dispossession of native lands in her book The Common Pot, The Recovery of Native Space in the Northeast. Focused more on the Connecticut and St. Lawrence River Valleys, Brooks describes the “common pot” as native space; as “the wigwam that feeds the family, the village that feeds the community, the networks that sustain the village”[10] In other words, the common pot is formed through the cooperation of individuals in Indigenous communities sharing the land; ensuring all members receive the resources they need. As European presence increases in native space, they too could become a part of the common pot.[11] This concept of the common pot can be applied to the northern shores of lakes Ontario and Erie in the early decades of the nineteenth century. As the European population increased, resources were removed from the native space of the Anishinaabe; ultimately altering their past ways of life and turning the common pot, or the dish, “upside down”.[12]

The addition of thousands of Europeans also brought about major political change in Upper Canada. Over the course of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Upper Canada transformed from an area where “Europeans were seldom seen” to a land governed by “English law and Institutions”.[13] In Anishinaabe systems of governing, toodiams were crucial to political life and decision-making – both locally and regionally.[14] Toodiams, or clans, were inherited through previous generations and categorized people into different groups.[15] They were named after plants or animals (Eagle, Bear, Birch-bark) and were considered a gift from Kitche Manitou (who will be discussed in-depth later) to allow the Anishinaabe to associate with unknown native people during travels.[16] When strangers of the same toodiam met each other, they would understand each other as “relative[s]”.[17] In Anishinaabe culture toodiams govern “region, kinship, political affiliation, and personal identity”, and considered all of these things to be one concept.[18] In European political structure, each of these things would be considered separate categories.[19] Historians like Heidi Bohaker suggest that this system of political governance through toodiams functioned successfully well before the arrival of Europeans.[20]

The escalation of missionary work in nineteenth century Upper Canada is part of a much larger historiography of Indigenous education and religious instruction North American history. In The Indian Great Awakening: Religion and the Shaping of Native Cultures in Early America, Linford Fisher examines the attempts of English missionaries in Massachusetts to create successful systems of education for Indigenous children in the eighteenth century. This “upsurge” in educational efforts occurred shortly after the Great Awakening, a period in pre-Revolutionary American history where religion regained an important place in many people’s lives.[21]Missionaries were influenced by their “disdainful views of Indian cultural practices” and by fears that native communities had not become deeply embedded enough in Christianity.[22]Further, these “Euroamerican” missionaries feared that native people who had accepted the Christian faith were susceptible to “old cultural patterns”[23] Fisher focuses on figures like John Sergeant and Eleazar Wheelock and their attempts to build and sustain reservation and boarding schools in pre-Revolutionary New England.

Fisher’s ultimate conclusion is that the educational efforts made by English missionaries in eighteenth century America did not have the major impacts on Indigenous communities that they were intended to have.[24] He does suggest however, that this period of education is significant because following the Great Awakening, in the mid-eighteenth century Indigenous education in New England was organized and instructed primarily by Native people themselves.[25] He highlights how Indigenous people in this area used their education and literacy to become more politically involved in eighteenth century New England by creating petitions, better understanding written documents and building “far-flung networks of literate Indians with shared concerns”.[26]

Hope MacLean, in her article “A Positive Experiment in Aboriginal Education: the Methodist Ojibwa Day Schools in Upper Canada, 1824-1833”, takes a more favorable view of English education of Ojibwa people in the early nineteenth century. She suggests that during the 1820s and 1830s an effective form of Indigenous Education was organized through cooperation between Methodists and Ojibwas.[27] The schools included a mixture of Methodist and Native instructors, and class was conducted in both English and Anishinaabemowin.[28] The schools were “suited to aboriginal learning styles” and were well-accepted by Ojibwa parents and other community members.[29] The level of education these Ojibwa children received was, according to MacLean, actually higher than the level of education achieved by most European settlers in the area. This inevitably helped Ojibwa people cope with the massive increase in the European population, and left their own communities with many literate leaders to pass on their abilities.[30] MacLean even referred to these schools as a “life-line” for adapting to the new European dominated society.[31]

This form of productive, cooperative education eventually succumbed to fears of a potential invasion from the south, which lingered on even after the War of 1812.[32] From within the Indian Department, concerns arose that the Ojibwa had become too highly educated, which could become problematic if they were to side with the United States in a future war.[33] These anxieties were rooted in close ties that existed between Canadian and American Methodists.[34] As MacLean has put it, the Methodists became “victims of their own success”.[35] MacLean suggests that this highly overlooked period in Methodist education, had it survived, could have created a history of Indigenous education in Canada that was more oriented “towards harmony and cooperation rather than [the] coercion” associated with Canada’s infamous residential schools of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.[36]


The Anishinaabe traditional creation story is one of creation, destruction and rebirth.[37]According to Basil Johnston, Kitche Manitou, or the Great Spirit, experienced a vision of the earth, sun, moon and stars. He then created what he saw in his dream, creating the earth and all its wildlife and plants.[38] Finally, the Great Spirit created humans, who possessed the most powerful ability: the power to dream.[39] Kitche Manitou then created the Great Laws of Nature which “governed the place and movement of the sun, moon, earth and stars; governed the powers of wind, water, fire and rock; governed the continuity of life, birth, growth and decay”.[40] Thus far in the creation story we can see the importance of both dreams and balance within Anishinaabe culture (the importance of balance can refer once again to the concept of the common pot). The story then tells of a “disaster” that falls upon the world. Massive rainfall causes all living things to perish, except for “water animals”, birds and fish, and left the world as “one vast sea…for many generations”.[41]

The story then tells about the recreation of the world. After the massive rains have stopped, the story turns to a sky-woman – a spirit – who lives above the earth in isolation. To relieve her of her isolation, Kitche Manitou offers her a companion and the woman conceives twins. Before the sky-woman gives birth to the two children, her companion leaves. The twins are complete opposites: one being of “pure spirit”, the other “pure physical being”.[42] The differences between them causes them to destroy each other in a “fiery sky battle” returning the woman to her former loneliness.[43] This portion of the story suggests a lack of balance, and the consequences this can have. Again, to relieve her of her solitude, Kitche Manitou sends the woman another companion; again the woman conceives a child and her companion departs.[44]

The sky-woman then relies on the water animals to help her recreate the earth. The first to offer help was the giant turtle who used his shell to create an island in the endless water. The sky woman used this “haven” to descend from the sky to the earth.[45] She then asked the water animals to retrieve soil from the floor of the sea. After many creatures failed in their attempts, the lowly muskrat was able to succeed. The sky woman then graciously accepted the soil and spread it on the turtle’s back, causing the island to grow in size.[46] The island continued to grow as the water disappeared. Eventually, everything on the earth was restored, and all living things that perished were revived.[47] Finally, the sky-woman gave birth to two more children; this time, however, they were both a mixture of spiritual and physical beings. Unlike the previous children, these two did not fight and relied on a union between them to find balance and meaning. These two children became man and woman.[48]

The origins of the world in Anishinaabe culture once again emphasizes the themes that underpin the concept of the common pot. As Brooks shares regarding the Haudenosaunee creation story (which appears to be very similar to that of the Ojibwa), the close cooperation of the sky-woman and the living things of the sea demonstrate that the earth “only exists through the interrelated activity of its inhabitants”.[49] The sky-woman, who was originally an outsider from the world, is treated not as a stranger but is incorporated into the group; as a result the earth is recreated.[50]

Along with the creation story, several religious ceremonies are vital components of the Anishinaabe belief system. One important example of these are ceremonies involves the use of tobacco. According to Johnston, the exact origins of this type of ceremony is not known, nor is it known why tobacco specifically is used.[51] Ceremonies include the burning of tobacco, offering it as a gift and planting it in the ground.[52] Tobacco ceremonies often incorporate the use of drums.[53] Unique naming, marriage and ritual of the dead ceremonies are also vital to Anishinaabe culture. Vision quests are important rites of passage for boys around the age of fourteen, and serve as an experience in growth and self-discovery.[54]


The concept of religious syncretism within the context of this paper is the merging of Anishinaabe traditional beliefs and the Protestant Christianity preached by English missionaries. This does not mean that aspects of traditional Ojibwa religion and culture ended, but rather that aspects of Christianity were allowed to compliment and coexist with them. Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby or Sacred Feathers), a nineteenth century Ojibwa Methodist missionary, is a prominent figure in Canada’s Indigenous history and a major proponent of religious syncretism among the Anishinaabe people of Upper Canada.

Jones was born to an English father (Augustus Jones) and a Mississauga Ojibwa mother (Tuhbenahneequay) at Burlington Heights, Upper Canada in 1802. As a young boy, Jones was exposed to the brutality of the War of 1812.[55] In the wake of the conflict much of the land the Mississaugas relied on for hunting was occupied by settlers (similar to the effect on the Anishinaabe from the deforestation in Middlesex County in the following decades).[56] Jones went on his first vision quest during the time of the war, but was unable to experience a vision. However, he still had a strong belief in the spirit world.[57] Another life changing event also happened to Jones during this time. The Mississauga leader Golden Eagle, during a period of meditation and fasting, experienced a vision of a spearhead which convinced him that he had become “invincib[le] against arrow, tomahawk or bullet”.[58] To prove his invincibility to such weapons, Golden Eagle requested that a fellow band member shoot at him, which killed him instantly. This event forever changed Jones’ confidence in the “power of dreams and spirit helpers.”[59]

In the years that followed the war the situation for the Missassaugas continued to get worse, and many people moved away from the Credit River area. In 1816, Peter and his brother Tyenteneged (who would later use the name John Jones) left their home at the Credit River to live with their father in Stoney Creek.[60] Shortly after, Peter enrolled in an English-style school and put great efforts into learning. At this point, he began to read the New Testament.[61] He quickly began to integrate European religion and culture into his daily practices; by 1817 he had developed a good understanding of the English language.[62]

By the early 1820s, while living in a Mohawk community, Peter started to draw similarities between the Christian faith and his traditional beliefs. Many people within this community, both Christians and non-Christians believed that European and Indigenous religions were “the same, as they both lead us to reverence and obey the Creator and to live like brethren [with] our fellow creatures”.[63] Peter eventually began to favour Methodism as his preferred Christian denomination as he became convinced that “the Christians worshipped the same Supreme Being as the Mississaugas”.[64] In 1824 Peter returned to his home at the Credit River, compelled to share with his people his new found faith.[65] This spreading of Christianity through an Indigenous missionary is what Donald Smith has referred to in his book Sacred Feathers as the “Mississaugas’ cultural revolution”.[66]

Religious syncretism was the most important factor in Peter Jones’ successful conversion of many of the Mississaugas.[67] Peter had the ability to make “Christianity familiar and accessible” through the “intercultural skills” he had acquired by being half Ojibwa and half European.[68] The Mississaugas were already familiar with the idea of a God that cannot physically be seen, and they understood the practice of “fasting and sacrifice” that were associated with Christianity.[69] Jones also outlined the similarities between Ojibwa oral tradition and biblical scripture. Donald Smith explains Jones’s perspective on these connections:

Would not the Mississaugas see in David’s vanquishing of Goliath evidence in his spirit power? A description of Saint Paul’s conversion might recall the experiences of the Anishinabeg who were strong in spiritual power. Did not Jesus’ forty days and forty nights in the wilderness constitute a vision quest? [70]

Jones also introduced to his people hymns that “taught the same values of right dealing, honesty, and general uprightness that the Mississaugas had learned from childhood”.[71] What Smith has called the Mississaugas’ cultural revolution reflected the syncretic integration of some aspects of Christianity into the community. Many converts refused to do any hunting or fishing on Sunday, for example, and some constantly carried around with them a copy of the New Testament.[72]

Although the Mississaugas drew many similarities between the two faiths, some differences had to be addressed. A key example of this was adapting the concept of the Son of God.[73]Some began to recognize Jesus Christ as “their protective guardian spirit”; others claimed to have experienced him through dreams and visions.[74] The Ten Commandments, which were crucial to Jones’ sermons, also had to be adapted. Commandments three through ten were quite easily understood. The first two however “Thou shalt not have more Gods but me” and “Before no idol bow thy knee” did created some conflict with the Mississaugas’ traditional understandings.[75]


Nineteenth century missionary literature, like Sherman Hall’s translation of the New Testament, how Protestant churches attempted to create their own idea of a conceptual space within Indigenous societies. However in many cases, such as with the Anishinaabe living in the northern shores of Lakes Ontario and Erie, Indigenous people often used these texts to strengthen their own newly found syncretic beliefs. Missionaries like Church of England minister Edward Francis Wilson made great efforts to convert as many Indigenous people as possible. He felt that European culture and religion had to be introduced to the populations of “poor Indians” in order to help these communities.[76] Many schools and churches were erected, and Wilson set up his own dwelling on the Sarnia Reserve.[77] Missionaries like Wilson would have used texts like Hall’s translated New Testament in order to easily disseminate religious teachings. However, at the same time, many Indigenous peoples were using these same books to enhance their understanding of  syncretic beliefs; Smith outlines this in Sacred Feather, as he mentions some members of the Mississaugas constantly carrying copies of the New Testament around with them.

Interestingly, David Nock presents a slightly different view on Wilson’s missionary work in his essay “Aboriginals and Their Influence on E.F. Wilson’s Paradigm Revolution”. Nock believes that Wilson’s missionary efforts, at first, were strictly of religious conversions. However, over the course of his missionary career, Nock claims that his motivations became more “ethnological” and “anthropological” and that he turned into a “scholar and social activist”.[78]He writes that over time Wilson became influenced by his encounters with the Anishinaabe people, and came to see their societies as “valuable and competent in and of themselves and, therefore, worthy of self-government.”[79] Indeed, following from Nock’s interpretation, we can see how Anishinaabe syncretic practices reshaped the missionary’s own belief system and outlook.

Wilson, however, was an exception. Looking at a contemporary of Jones, William Case, we can see the seed for a more top-down approach to missions. Case was involved in setting up an infant school for the Grape Island Mississauga in 1829.[80] The idea was to embed Christianity deeply into the younger generations who would then grow up to be Christian leaders within their communities.[81] Missionaries hoped that they would “leave a more lasting impression on the minds” of students by teaching them at a very young age.[82] The schools were a part of the mission’s “overall conversion and assimilation strategy”.[83] In addition to receiving English education and Christian teachings, Indigenous children “were to be remade”.[84] The Grape Island infant school, and others like it, began by teaching in both English and Anishinaabemowin; this eventually changed to only the use of English, and the use of any other language became discouraged.[85] In 1837, Reverend William Case, who had been largely in charge of organizing and operating the school, moved the population of Grape Island to Alderville, where he later founded the Alderville Manual Labor School. This school would become the “prototype residential school”.[86] Again, this time through the example of Case and the Grape Island infant school, we see English missionaries attempting to create their own vision of a conceptual space within native communities (and making use of nineteenth century missionary literature).


Two copies of Sherman Hall’s New Testament of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ can be found within Huron University College’s rare book collection; one printed in 1844, the other in 1875. The book is written almost entirely in Anishinaabemowin, to be used by missionaries like Wilson and Case, to effectively disseminate biblical scripture to Ojibwa people who had already learned to read and write in their native tongue. In many cases these missionaries were quite successful in their efforts to convert, and books like Hall’s translated New Testament are often viewed as missionary tools to impose their culture and religion upon Indigenous communities. However,  people like Keshishawasike (baptized as John Crane) of the Mississauga community at Credit River in the early nineteenth century used these types of texts as tool for their own syncretic belief systems.[87] Crane carried his copy of the New Testament around with him daily as he took enthusiasm with his new combined faith.[88] Considering religious syncretism can change the way these texts are viewed, and how we view their acceptance by Indigenous populations.

The early decades of the nineteenth century brought about drastic changes to Upper Canada. Massive settler immigration, Protestant missionary efforts, and clearing of land completely changed the landscape of what is today Southwestern Ontario. In doing so, these changes drastically altered Anishinaabe space and practices. Throughout this process many Anishinaabe, and members from other Indigenous Nations in Upper Canada, converted to Christianity – many of these with syncretic motivations. Despite these similarities in faith, Indigenous peoples had to make many adjustments as they adjusted to life alongside the European newcomers. Governance through toodiams changed to English law, and diverse subsistence and economic practices shifted towards agriculture. In many ways, to use Brooks’ reference, the common pot in Upper Canada was turned “upside down” during these years.[89] However, the concept of religious syncretism, the blending of Anishinaabe tradition and Christianity, formed an important line of continuity.



Bohaker, Heidi. “Anishinaabe Toodiams: Context for Politics, Kinship, and Identity in theEastern Great Lakes”, Gathering Places: Aboriginal and Fur Trade Histories.Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010.

Brooks, Lisa. The Common Pot, the Recovery of Native Space in the Northeast.Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008.

Fisher, Linford. The Indian Great Awakening, religion and the shaping of native cultures in early America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.

Hall, Sherman. Iu otoshki-Kikindiuin au kitogimaminan gaie bemajiinvng Jesus Krist : ima Ojibue ineuining giizhitong: the New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. New York: American Bible Society, 1875.

Johnston, Basil. Ojibway Ceremonies. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982.

— Ojibway Heritage. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976.

Kaur, Baljit Prochner, Larry, May, Helen and Prochner, Larry. “The blessings of Civilisation nineteenth-century missionary infant schools for young native children in three colonial settings – India, Canada, and New Zealand 1820s-1840s.” Paedagogica Historica 45 nos. 1-2 (2009): 83-102.

MacLean, Hope. “A positive experiment in aboriginal education: the Methodist Ojibwa day schools in Upper Canada, 1824-1833” Canadian Journal of Native Studies 22 no.1 (2002): 24-63.

Nock, David A. “Aboriginals and Their Influence on E. F. Wilson’s Paradigm Revolution”, With Good Intentions. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2006.

Smith, Donald B. Sacred Feathers, the Reverend Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby) and the Mississauga Indians. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987.

Wilson, Edward Francis. Missionary Work Among the Ojebway Indians. New York: E & J Young Co., 1886.


[1] Neal Ferris, The Archaeology of Native-Lived Colonialism: Challenging History in the Great Lakes, (Tuscon: The University of Arizona Press, 2009), 43-45; Hope MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education: the Methodist Ojibwa day schools in Upper Canada, 1824-1833” Canadian Journal of Native Studies 22 no.1 (2002), 25.

[2] Tom Peace, “Brief History of Colonialism in Southwestern Upper Canada” (Lecture, Huron College, London, On, 21 September 2015).

[3] Tom Peace, “Brief History of Colonialism in Southwestern Upper Canada” (Lecture, Huron College, London, On, 21 September 2015).

[4] Edward Francis Wilson, Missionary Work Among the Ojebway Indians (New York: E & JB Young Co., 1886), 23.

[5] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 24.

[6] Tom Peace, “Brief History of Colonialism in Southwestern Upper Canada” (Lecture, Huron College, London, On, 21 September 2015).

[7] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 25.

[8] Tom Peace, “Brief History of Colonialism in Southwestern Upper Canada” (Lecture, Huron College, London, On, 21 September 2015).

[9] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 27.

[10] Lisa Brooks, The Common Pot, the Recovery of Native Space in the Northeast (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008), 3-4.

[11] Brooks, The Common Pot, 7.

[12] Brooks, The Common Pot, 51.

[13] McLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 26.

[14] Heidi Bohaker, “Anishinaabe Toodiams: Context for Politics, Kinship, and Identity in the Eastern Great Lakes” Gathering Places: Aboriginal and Fur Trade Histories (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010), 93-94.

[15] Bohaker, “Anishinaabe Toodiams”, 93.

[16] Bohaker, “Anishinaabe Toodiams”, 93.

[17] Bohaker, “Anishinaabe Toodiams”, 93.

[18] Bohaker, “Anishinaabe Toodiams”, 94.

[19] Bohaker, “Anishinaabe Toodiams”, 94.

[20] Bohaker, “Anishinaabe Toodiams”, 96.

[21] Linford Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening: religion and the shaping of native cultures in early America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 137.

[22] Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening, 138.

[23] Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening, 138.

[24] Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening, 163.

[25] Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening, 137.

[26] Fisher, The Indian Great Awakening, 137.

[27] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 24.

[28] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 24.

[29] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 24.

[30] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 24.

[31] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 57.

[32] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 52.

[33] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 53.

[34] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 53.

[35] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 53.

[36] MacLean, “A positive experiment in aboriginal education”, 24.

[37] Basil Johnston, Ojibway Heritage (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976), 15.

[38] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 12.

[39] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 13.

[40] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 13.

[41] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 13.

[42] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 13.

[43] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 13.

[44] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 13.

[45] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 14.

[46] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 14.

[47] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 15.

[48] Johnston, Ojibway Heritage, 15.

[49] Brooks, The Common Pot, 2.

[50] Brooks, The Common Pot, 2.

[51] Basil Johnston, Ojibway Ceremonies (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1982), 33.

[52] Johnston, Ojibway Ceremonies, 33.

[53] Johnston, Ojibway Ceremonies, 36.

[54] Johnston, Ojibway Ceremonies, 43, 47.

[55] Donald B. Smith, Sacred Feathers, The Reverend Peter Jones (Kahkewaquonaby) and the Mississauga Indians (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 34.

[56] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 35.

[57] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 35.

[58] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 37.

[59] Smith, Sacred Feather, 38.

[60] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 40.

[61] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 42.

[62] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 43.

[63] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 53.

[64] Smith Sacred Feathers, 54.

[65] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 62.

[66] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 65.

[67] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 74.

[68] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 74.

[69] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 74.

[70] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 74.

[71] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 74.

[72] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 75-76.

[73] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 75.

[74] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 75.

[75] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 75.

[76] Wilson, Missionary Work Among the Ojebway Indians, 46.

[77] Wilson, Missionary Work Among the Ojebway Indians, 23.

[78] David A. Nock, “Aboriginals and Their Influence on E. F. Wilson’s Paradigm Revolution” With Good Intentions. (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2006), 160.

[79] Nock, “Aboriginals and Their Influence on E. F. Wilson’s Paradigm Revolution”, 158.

[80] Baljit Kaur, Helen May and Larry Prochner ““The blessings of civilisation”: nineteenth-century missionary infant schools for young native children in three colonial settings – India, Canada and New Zealand 1820s–1840s” Paedagogica Historica 45 nos. 1-2 (2009), 92.

[81] Baljit Kaur, Helen May and Larry Prochner,”The blessings of civilisation”, 91.

[82] Baljit Kaur, Helen May and Larry Prochner, “The blessings of civilisation”, 92.

[83] Baljit Kaur, Helen May and Larry Prochner, “The blessings of civilisation”, 92.

[84] Baljit Kaur, Helen May and Larry Prochner, “The blessings of civilisation”, 93.

[85] Baljit Kaur, Helen May and Larry Prochner, “The blessings of civilisation”, 93.

[86] Baljit Kaur, Helen May and Larry Prochner, “The blessings of civilisation”, 95.

[87] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 75-76.

[88] Smith, Sacred Feathers, 75-76.

[89] Lisa Brooks, The Common Pot, 51.