The methods of communication in which Indigenous societies functioned were primarily oral. These languages were then transcribed into writing by missionaries in order to effectively communicate and form relationships with North American peoples. In the mid-seventeenth century, missionaries such as John Eliot, created texts in the Massachusetts dialect, Wampanoag, such as The Indian Primer, and The Indian Bible. These texts were used in the “education” of the Massachusetts people in the Christian faith and as such were heavily based on religion. In the monograph Facing East from Indian Country: A Native History of Early America Daniel K. Richter argues that Eliot “was forced to inquire [of his] interpreter” because he “…did not understand some [sentence structures].”[1] Implying that Eliot struggled to understand the language and that there may be issues stemming from the religious context that shaped creation of the orthographies he used. Missionaries had intended to educate Indigenous people in the “modern” ways of their society. One of the goals of a missionary is to spread the word of God. To adequately transcribe an oral language, a transcriber would need deep knowledge of how such languages function and a breadth of resources and context to which to refer. As missionaries required these texts to aid them in converting Indigenous peoples, the need for transcription was there. In order to facilitate this, they would need to create the texts themselves. To move forward with the creation of the texts, the hiring of the services of those who have knowledge in the language of the Indigenous peoples would be necessary. Eliot was one such missionary who had used interpreters throughout his time as a missionary.[2] One such interpreter was a Nipmuc boy named James Printer, (Wawaus) who spoke the Massachusetts Language. Printer worked with Eliot before King Phillip’s war.[3]
The use of interpreters could result in variations of linguistic features. For example, it could lead to inverted sentence structure in the translation, thereby opening the door for inaccuracy in the orthographies of the different Indigenous languages. This can be seen clearly when we look at some of the Bibles held in Huron’s Rare Book Collection and Western’s Special Collections, specifically those produced by John Stuart, an Anglican missionary for the Society of the Propagation of the Gospel, and Joseph Brant, a well-known Mohawk leader, who together “put new life into the old mission in what was to become Upper Canada and later transcribed scriptures into Kanien’keha:ka.”[4] The conceived accuracy of their orthography of the Mohawk language has been questioned, however, by Thomas Pell Platt, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge in his book Facts Respecting Certain Versions of Holy Scripture:
…from doubts entertained about the correctness of the Version of St. John’s gospel in the Mohawk Language, it was deemed expedient to expel its circulation. From various resources the Board may have obtained satisfactory evidence, that although there were some trifling inaccuracies in it, principally in orthography,… [5]
If the orthography has been brought into question with respect to St. John’s gospel, which was not translated by Stuart and Brant, we must examine other orthographies to the same scrutiny. To this extent, the creation of the languages would have had limited bases to create a fully accurate structured written language. This may have been the reasoning for the primers to have had a large emphasis on religion rather than the language as a whole as the complexity of the Indigenous language may have resulted in an ignorance of the missionaries. Reverend John Stuart had difficulty preaching to the inhabitants as he did not speak their language and had need for an interpreter. [6] Furthermore, discrimination may have been a factor in the creation of the orthographies. Having a Eurocentric perspective could have played a role in the formulation of the texts, influencing the sentence structure and grammatical design; leading to controversy with the creation of the orthography. When he encountered structural issues over a century before Stuart and Brant went to work, he usually did so noting “that there is no equivalent in the Indian tongue” [7] thereby requiring him to interpret the structure.
The creation of the orthographies used in the books comprising Huron College’s and Western’s Rare Books Collections are a reflection of this process of missionary transcription. As such, this paper will compare the orthographies created by John Eliot and Joseph Brant, outlining their journey, the external influences faced and the various techniques implemented in the creation of the orthographies.
Orthography
Rules and regulations govern the written word. These rules encompass norms such as spelling, word breaks, and punctuation.[8] As Europeans encountered oral cultures, they sought to capture the spoken word in writing. As such, they developed standard orthographies for non-European languages, with variances for dialects throughout the modern world. As different groups developed orthographies, differences in spelling and grammar appeared. Words with the same meaning might look different, such as the words colour and color in English.
Orthography inserts itself into everyday life in each language with the comprehension of these orthographies is a learned process:
…reading is viewed as a complex cognitive process, wherein the reader engages in meaning construction based on the information presented in text. In this view, reading comprehension is regarded as the result of integrated interaction between textual information and the reader’s pre-existing knowledge. [9]
A recent study involving a wide variety of languages, has demonstrated that processing skills are shaped to accommodate various structural features of each language, evidencing that different writing systems require different processing procedures.[10] While all of these systems require different processing procedures there is a common variable: rules and regulation will govern the final product.
Translation
Communication of the meaning of words from a source language to a target language is done through translation. This envelops both verbal and written communication, and reaches into translation to sign language and syllabics.[11] Pure translation endures risk, as there may be leakage of the source language into to the target translation language; this could be by way of words or idioms. This process is not necessarily destructive. This injection of source words may have useful phrases and/or loanwords that have enriched the target languages and thereby have helped substantially shape these translated languages.[12]
Translation involves two processes: translating from the native language into the foreign language is one process, while translating in the opposite direction is another. Immersion into the foreign language is paramount in order to achieve understanding. It is critically important for learning the foreign equivalents of the ideas, and expressions of the foreign tongue, and being able to have them make sense. There is a weakness with both translation processes, however, as there is a tendency to make the native syntax work at the expense of the foreign syntax, or visa-versa. [13]
Linguistic translation does not only anticipate forms of communication, it also entails cultural translation. A translator may feel that they are prepared both linguistically and culturally, however, translation does not and cannot reproduce its already complex formation. Instead, it makes accommodations. [14] According to Walter Benjamin, “Translation allows a text to live on in another culture and time.” [15] As such, translation evokes questions, and changes text, and may fracture the cultural view, thereby kindling questions in the cultures that now read it. [16]
John Eliot
In 1630, the Massachusetts Bay Colony was settled by the New England Puritans. In the 1640s, during a period of depression, it was felt that the colony needed to “take interest” in the lives of nearby Indigenous peoples with whom colonists increasingly shared common ground.[17] Throughout the mid 1640s legislation was passed by the colonists within Massachusetts Bay in order to allow Indigenous peoples to “…live in an orderly way amongst us…” [18] The legislation called for attendance at religious services, the provision of ministers and land for First Peoples. [19] One of the representatives of the colony who would further these goals was the Reverend John Eliot, a Cambridge educated pastor who had moved from England in 1631.
In the mid-17th century, Eliot made great strides with the Indigenous peoples upon whose homelands the Massachusetts Bay colony was built. He translated and printed the entire Bible into Algonquian, leading many to engage with Christianity.[20] Known as the Apostle to the Indians, Eliot was instrumental in founding thirteen praying towns.[21] Eliot also had his own mission, aimed at instilling what he saw as “civility” in a population that he considered to “have no principles of their own nor yet wisdome of their own.”[22] Eliot believed that he could instill this “civility” and accordingly in 1646 he targeted Metacom, also known as King Philip, a prominent Wampanoag Sachem.[23] Eliot’s intention was to invoke etiquette and social organization. His rules included the banning of alcohol and Powwows as well as the introduction of courtesies such as knocking on a door before entering. [24]
Many of the early missionaries such as John Eliot had an interest in studying differing Indigenous dialects with the goal of using the language to introduce Eurocentric ideas of society and faith. [25] Eliot specifically had an interest in speaking and preaching in the native language of Wampanoag. Eliot’s interest in the language led him to further his development within the language allowing him to produce many publications such as the Indian Library.[26] Eliot’s ambitions led to the creation of Up-Biblum, known as the Eliot Indian Bible.[27] This was the earliest Bible completed in a non-European tongue.[28]
Eliot believed that the language needed structure: “Grammar is the art or rule of speaking.” [29] This belief formulated the publication of Indian Grammar, a book founding Algonquin grammar introducing two parts to the overall order of words along with sentence structure[30]. This belief was one of the driving forces which allowed Eliot to form the orthography.[31] He utilizes many of the common characters used in western writing, however, noting that the phonetics differ between the two, leading to the elimination of some of the letters contained within the western alphabet, with his concentration being on the sound of the Wampanoag language. [32] Eliot’s phonetic work along with other works such as the Indian Bible, provide important root origin.[33] As a tool in the translation or orthography, and to allow the western alphabet to comply with the Wampanoag sound, Eliot omits certain letters in order to accommodate the phonetic sound, as a result of the elimination, other letters may be added, such as “c” replaced with a letter “ch” in order to grant validity to the orthography. Areas of Eliot’s translation methods exhibited a careless process, however, when encountering structural issues he “usually notes that there is no equivalent in the Indian tongue”[34] rather than depict a deficiency. [35]
He did none of this alone. Eliot’s extensive network of Indigenous collaborators, some of whom studied at Harvard, assisted in the translations.[36] One of whom was Wawaus (James Printer) of the Nipmuc nation, Printer attained his English name from working on the presses at Harvard.[37]
Joseph Brant
The modern Mohawk Nation now consists of a range of communities spread across northern New York, southern Ontario, and Quebec.[38] The Mohawk departure from their historic homeland was precipitated by nearly a century of contact with the Europeans and their struggle to control the “new world” of northeastern America.[39] The Mohawks permanent settlement at the Bay of Quinte and Grand River was negotiated by Joseph Brant with Sir Frederick Haldimand representing the British crown. It was agreed upon a piece of land on the Bay of Quinte, located on the north shore of Lake Ontario would be home to the new settlement. Brant along with the Sachems pushed on in their discussions and were granted 1,200 square miles on the Grand River, the Mohawk village being located near the present-day town of Brantford, named after Joseph Brant[40]
Isabel Kelsay’s article “Joseph Brant: the Legend and the Man” discusses the life of Joseph Brant prior to his involvement with the translation and transcription of Mohawk texts. She discusses Brant’s life in relation to the British military and his direct involvement with the American Revolution. Brant used his influence to bring his people into the war against the Americans. [41] Brant spent much time as a child in the home of Sir William Johnson. Johnson was an Anglican. At a young age Brant was introduced to this religion. According to Milledge Bonham “…How much of the religion of the Johnsons, who were Anglicans, Brant may have absorbed cannot even be guessed at.” [42] He also, for example, worked as guide and interpreter in 1763 to the Rev. Charles Jeffrey Smith, an instructor in the school, who wished to spend the summer among the Mohawks.[43]
In 1763, John Stuart, with whom Brant translated the Gospel of Mark, was studying at the College of Philadelphia. [44] In April 1770 Stuart sailed to England to be ordained in the Anglican church and was appointed as the missionary to Fort Hunter.[45] Stuart had difficulty preaching to the inhabitants there as he did not speak their language and had need for an interpreter.[46] At Fort Hunter, near Brant’s home at Canajoharie, Brant soon became acquainted with the Anglican missionary and assisted him with the translation of the Gospels into Mohawk.[47] By the end of 1770, with Brant’s help, Stuart “was preaching acceptably to the English, Dutch, and Mohawks.”[48] Stuart became successful in learning the Mohawk language and in three years he was able to conduct marriages, baptisms, and parts of the liturgy with Brant’s assistance.[49]
But in what language should Christianity be taught? This was the same question pondered one hundred fifty years earlier by John Eliot. Translation of The King James Version (“KJV”) of the Bible was an anchor between Anglicanism and Haudenosaunee and other Indigenous peoples interacting with Protestant missionaries. Chief Joseph Brant translated many works, such as the Gospel of Mark and the Book of Common Prayer into the Mohawk language, as well as many diplomatic proceedings.[50] Religion was not the sole motivation for the translations, however, the translations also aimed for the achievement of cultural conversion and assimilation.[51] The structural differences between Mohawk, (“Kanien’keha:ka”) and western languages are extensive, however.[52] Translating between these two languages would be akin to comparing English to Arabic, with different phonics and a completely different alphabet and sentence structure. There may be no verb or noun and transcribers were required, much like with Eliot, to substitute letters within the English alphabet in order to achieve a successful translation.[53] To add to this, many of the Indigenous languages were in oral form alone, there was not a written orthography, communication through signs and symbols, though no alphabet.[54]
Brant was one of a number of Mohawks who had attended school after 1740. By this time Mohawks were appointed as schoolmasters in their community.[55] The beginning of this system were fostered by Henry Barclay Swete, an English Biblical scholar.[56] In encouraging Mohawk schooling, Barclay created the conditions under which some Mohawk could participate in translating and transcribing their language.[57] Though conducting these activities much later, and being in a significantly different position than Eliot, Brant would still face many of the same obstacles: lack of grammar and orthography, the challenge of translating the Iroquoian language into the western alphabet.[58]
Discussion:
“More than limited linguistic skills and the need to summarize got in the way of a clear translation from Massachusetts tongue to English…” [59]
The idioms associated with translation create many difficulties for building an accurate orthography. The formulation of the orthography from oral to written can be seen as a problematic process. Many influences contribute to the accuracy, or inaccuracy of the transcription. During the 17th and 18th centuries we observe continuous themes when formulating orthographies for Indigenous languages. An example of this can be seen with the Standardization of Spelling in Ohio Settlement and Stream Names of Indian Origins which speaks of the attempts by settlers to convert Indigenous phonetics into the alphabet of 26 letters.[60] Eliot and Brant share similarities in their execution of the orthographies. Eliot was from England and therefore had to learn the language of the Massachusetts people and rely on the assistance of numerous interpreters such as Cockenoe-De-Long Island [61] John Sassamon [62] and James Printer;[63]. This reliance on Indigenous expertise demonstrates how Eliot struggled with the language. As Eliot was creating the Indian Bible, one can assume based on his need for an interpreter, Eliot’s translation may have resulted in inaccuracies due to the lack of knowledge with Indigenous languages. This in turn puts into question the accuracy of the original orthography.
Similarly, Brant, though being of Indigenous descent and having the knowledge of being able to speak the Kanien’keha:ka language, translated a scripture with the assistance of Reverend John Stuart. Stuart was a missionary, and not fully versed in Mohawk. This in turn could have led to an inaccurate translation as there may have been alternative methods in implementing the same sentence. As discussed by Thomas Pell Platt, the perceived errors in the translation of the Gospel of John were questioned. Reviewing the transcription and establishment of the orthography of the different scriptures it can be noted that there was room for error. Multiple perspectives on how an oral language may be written did not occur, therefore this margin of error can be intensified. In the case of Brant and Stuart, Stuart was an ordained minister, whose first language was English while Brant was an educated man, his first language was Kanien’keha: ka. Each language has a separate sentence structure and phonetical establishment. The collaboration of the two may cause disparity.
Over the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there was much debate among the missionaries as to the level of proficiency which should be attained in order to be able to effectively preach to the Indigenous peoples. Eliot attempted to become fluent in Wampanoag in order to assimilate these people into Christian society. Through his learning he was able to develop sufficient skill in Wampanoag to allow him to preach successfully. This led to his work with the creation of an orthography for the language. But could the scriptures be translated properly into non-European language? [63] Missionaries felt that to truly practice the Christian faith North American peoples would need to become fluent in English, or that the scriptures transcribed into their language.[64] It was believed that the Bible should be in the Indigenous vernacular to allow the preaching of God and assimilation overall to be accomplished. [65]
Brant saw the Mohawk gospel much in the same way as Eliot [66] Given Brant’s motivation to transcribe his language into a written orthography for his people, it may in fact be more accurate. Brant was fully fluent in Kanien’keha: ka. Along with the assistance of the Reverend Stuart, this fundamental difference provided an advantage in the translation of the texts. Nonetheless, inaccuracies in the translation of Mohawk gospel still occurred (as outlined earlier in this essay).[67]
The missionaries were of European decent and were of the opinion that their way was the way should be followed; John Eliot believed that in creating such texts as the Indian Bible, and the Indian Primer, the Indigenous Massachusetts population would become civilized. According to Kathryn Gray’s ‘How may wee come to serve God?’: Spaces of Religious Utterance in John Eliot’s Indian Tracts Eliot had his own plan for the Wampanoag: “Eliot had his own mission, instilling “civility”[68] This reflects the reasoning behind Eliot’s desire to learn the Native tongue and create the orthography.
Brant, being involved with British society reflected an indirect Eurocentric perspective. Brant’s motives were influenced through his military career and his influence from the Anglican church. These influences directed Brant’s desire to school his people, allowing them to understand and partake in the Christian faith as he did. The influences of the church provided Brant with similar perspective to Eliot on the creation of the orthography along with the direct influences of the missionaries. His orthography would have reflected a similar influence.
Conclusion
Rules and regulations govern the written word. These rules encompass norms such as spelling, word breaks, and punctuation. These guidelines are created in order to provide a clear understanding of a written language. The accuracy of orthography is important in order to deliver a comprehensive translation of a passage. In the creation of a written language from a strictly oral language many factors may contribute to the accuracy of the transcription. Eliot was not fluent in the language and required the use of interpreters, throughout his career, while Brant was fluent. They were each influenced by the church and Indigenous culture. It was only Indigenous participants in this process, though, like Printer and Brant who were fluent in the language. Stuart and Eliot provided a religious outlook. The potential conflict between these two different perspectives raises questions as to the accuracy of each of the orthographies.
Also influencing the accuracy are the beliefs of both Eliot and Brant as to the purpose of the orthographies. We can see that Eliot’s transcriptions were to aid in his civilizing vision for Indigenous peoples and their conversion to Christianity; while Brant’s motivation was for the betterment of his people. Given Brant’s fluency, his orthography would have been more accurate than that of Eliot. The influence of additional outside sources affects the formulation of orthographies. Eliot was governed by England and was therefore influenced by Europe and the missionaries, thus providing a direct influence on the transcription. This along with Eliot’s desire to become fluent in Wampanoag in order to inflict “civility” on the Indigenous populace reveals his desire to assimilate the Indigenous peoples. On the other hand, Brant was free from this influence, while the orthography was created to allow his people to partake in the Christian faith, the church did not directly provide guidance, thereby reducing any Eurocentric influence. It can be seen that the transcription of an oral language to written has many hurdles to cross, such as culture along with the comprehension of the source language and there are many influences both direct and indirect. The transcriptions as discussed in this essay have had many outside influences, thereby leading the writer to question the accuracy of the orthographies created.
Notes
[1] Daniel K., Richter, Facing East from Indian Country: A Native History of Early America, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001) 118.
[2] Walter T., Meserve, “English Works of Seventeenth-Century Indians.” American Quarterly 8, no. 3 (1956): 267.
[3]Ibid.
[4] Philip, Carrington, The Anglican Church in Canada: A History, (Toronto: Collins, 1963) 41.
[5] Thomas Pell, Platt, Facts Respecting Certain Versions of Holy Scripture Published by the British, (Place of Publication Not Identified: Rarebooksclub Com, 2012), 7.
[6] John Wolfe, Lydekker, “The Rev. John Stuart, D. D., (1740-1811). Missionary to the Mohawks,” Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church 11, no. 1 (1942): 22.
[7] Steffi, Dippold, “The Wampanoag Word: John Eliot’s Indian Grammar, the Vernacular Rebellion, and the Elegancies of Native Speech,” Early American Literature 48, no. 3 (2013): 564.
[8] Ram, Frost, Orthography, Phonology, Morphology, and Meaning, (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1992)
[9] Keiko, Koda, “L2 Word Recognition Research: A Critical Review,” The Modern Language Journal 80, no. 4 (1996): 450.
[10]Ibid.
[11] J. M. Cohen, Encyclopedia Americana, Vol. 27, (New York: Grolier, 1986), 12.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Jimmy, Thomas, “Translation, Language Teaching, and the Bilingual Assumption.” TESOL Quarterly 10, no. 4 (1976): 404.
[14] Sandra, Bermann, “Teaching In-and About-Translation,” Profession, 2010, 85.
[15] Walter, Benjamin, Task of the Translator, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap of Harvard University Press, 2002).
[16] Sandra, Bermann, “Teaching In-and About-Translation,” 85.
[17] Margaret Connell Szasz, Indian Education in the American Colonies: 1607-1783, (Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Pr., 1988), 101.
[18] Ibid., 103.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Robert Strong, “‘Some Things Spoken I Understood Not’,” Rethinking History 15, no. 1 (2011): 111
[21] Ibid., 114.
[22] Margaret Connell Szasz, Indian Education in the American Colonies: 1607-1783, 106.
[23] Kathryn N. Gray, “How May Wee Come to Serve God?: Spaces of Religious Utterance in John Eliot’s Indian Tracts,” Seventeenth Century 24, no. 1 (2009): 74.
[24] Ibid., 75.
[25] Steffi Dippold, “The Wampanoag Word: John Eliot’s Indian Grammar, the Vernacular Rebellion, and the Elegancies of Native Speech,” Early American Literature 48, no. 3 (2013): 545.
[26] Ibid., 546.
[27]Ibid.
[28]Ibid.
[29] Ibid. 550.
[30] Ibid., 552.
[31] Ibid., 557.
[32]Ibid.
[33] Ibid., 558
[34] Ibid., 564.
[35]Ibid.
[36] Robert Strong, “‘Some Things Spoken I Understood Not’,” 112.
[37] Jason Urbanus, “Harvard Reconnects with Its Native American Past,” Archaeology 61, no. 2 (2008): 34.
[38] E. Jane Dickson-Gilmore, “”This Is My History, I Know Who I Am”: History, Factionalist Competition, and the Assumption of Imposition in the Kahnawake Mohawk Nation,” Ethnohistory 46, no. 3 (1999): 430
[39] Ibid.
[40] John Wolfe, Lydekker, “The Rev. John Stuart, D. D., (1740-1811). Missionary to the Mohawks,” 44.
[41] Isabel T. Kelsay, “JOSEPH BRANT: THE LEGEND AND THE MAN: A Foreword.” New York History 40, no. 4 (October 1959): 369.
[42] Milledge L. Bonham, “The Religious Side of Joseph Brant,” The Journal of Religion 9, no. 3 (1929): 399.
[43] Ibid., 401.
[44] John Wolfe, Lydekker, “The Rev. John Stuart, D. D., (1740-1811). Missionary to the Mohawks,” 19.
[45]Ibid., 20.
[46]Ibid., 22.
[47] Milton W. Hamilton, “Joseph Brant – “The Most Painted Indian,”” New York History 39, no. 2 (1958): 123.
[48] Milledge L. Bonham, “The Religious Side of Joseph Brant,” 403.
[49]Ibid.
[50] Scott Manning Stevens, “The Path of the King James Version of the Bible in Iroquoia.” Prose Studies 34, no. 1 (2012): 5.
[51] Ibid., 6.
[52] Ibid.
[53] Ibid.; Steffi Dippold, “The Wampanoag Word: John Eliot’s Indian Grammar, the Vernacular Rebellion, and the Elegancies of Native Speech,”564.
[54] Scott Manning Stevens, “The Path of the King James Version of the Bible in Iroquoia.” 9.
[55] Ibid., 11.
[56]Ibid.
[57] Ibid.
[58] Ibid., 12.
[59] Daniel K. Richter, Facing East from Indian Country: A Native History of Early America, 118.
[60] Raup, H. F. “The Standardization of Spelling-in Ohio Settlement and Strealn Names of Indian Origin.” Names (American Name Society) 15, no. 1 (March 1967): 8.
[61] Walter T Meserve,. “English Works of Seventeenth-Century Indians.” 266.
[62] Robert Strong, “‘Some Things Spoken I Understood Not’,” 114.
[63] Walter T Meserve,. “English Works of Seventeenth-Century Indians,”267.
[64] John Wolfe, Lydekker, “The Rev. John Stuart, D. D., (1740-1811). Missionary to the Mohawks,” 9.
[65] Ibid., 9.
[66] Ibid.
[67] Ibid. 12.
[68]Thomas Pell, Platt, Facts Respecting Certain Versions of Holy Scripture Published by the British, 7.
[69] Kathryn N. Gray, “How May Wee Come to Serve God?: Spaces of Religious Utterance in John Eliot’s Indian Tracts,”75.
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